Indication of where Amre Moussa can be president

Yeah…about that.

Bread, freedom, and social justice. That’s what we’re after, and we won’t settle for any less.

Click here to view the embedded video.

Make sure you watch to the very end! See you all on the 25th.

Original post generously translated by my dear friend and activist, Arwa Marei

ترجمة أروى مرعي

---

أخيرا، بعد مرور تسعة أشهر من الستة الانتقالية الموعودة، نوشك على أن نبدأ الطريق إلى الديمقراطية بمجموعة من الانتخابات تستمر حتى بداية عام 2013 (هذا صحيح؛ المرحلة الانتقالية ذات الست شهور ستستغرق فعليا حوالي السنتين).

يوم 28 نوفمبر سيصطف ملايين المصريين (بمن فيهم المغتربين) أمام المدارس ليشاركوا فيما يبدو أنها ستكون أول انتخابات حرة، ونزيهة في تاريخ الأمة. وستفرز أوراق الاقتراع في كل الأحياء حول الجمهورية لتحديد أول مجموعة من أعضاء البرلمان يتم اختيارها بشكل ديمقراطي. يبدو أن نضالنا قد يثمر شيئا.

لهذا تحديدا علينا أن نقاطع الانتخابات القادمة.

Tantawi with Robert Gates in 2008

هناك أسباب عديدة تدفعني للاعتقاد بأن مقاطعة انتخابات نوفمبر تعني دعم استكمال الثورة، وأن المشاركة، بغض النظر عن المرشح أو الحزب المختار، خيار إصلاحي، تماما كما أعتقد أن استفتاء مارس كان تصويتا على دعم المجلس العسكري.

1. الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام

   قد يبدو أن المجلس العسكري لم يتول الحكم إلا في فبراير 2011، ولكن الحقيقة هي أن الجيش، كمؤسسة، تمتع بنفوذ كبير جدا منذ انقلاب 1952 العسكري. في الواقع لقد أصبح منذ ذلك الوقت عملاقا اقتصاديا. هناك الكثير من الأدلة على أن المجلس العسكري تمتع بأكثر من حصته في السلطة، سواءا كان ذلك في صورة الأراضي الواسعة التي يمتلكها، أو المصانع التي تعمل في مختلف الصناعات، أو القوة العاملة التي يستغلها بالقوة للعمل بأجور ضئيلة، أو بدون أجور على الإطلاق. لن أتوسع في الحديث عن أسبابي لمعارضة المجلس العسكري، لأن هذا خارج عن الموضوع.

   

   Military Mubarak. Photo by Hossam El Hamalawy

   القضية هنا هي أن المجلس العسكري هو من يؤسس لهذه “الديمقراطية” المحدودة التي سنتحرك ضمنها. إنهم سعداء تماما بهذا الوضع الذي تضمنه معونة الـ1.3 مليار القادمة من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، بينما لا نتوقف عن الجدال فيما إذا كانت مصر ستكون علمانية، أو إسلامية. بينما نستعد نحن لانتخابات حرة، ونزيهة، يعتقل المجلس العسكري النشطاء لينضموا إلى قائمة الاثني عشر ألف معتقل مدني الذين حوكموا عسكريا.

   في حقيقة الأمر، إن المشاركة في الانتخابات هي تعاون مع المجلس العسكري في “التغلب” على المرحلة الحالية، والبدء في الاتجاه نحو الديمقراطية. رغم أني لست ضد العمل مع الجيش في المرحلة الانتقالية، إلا أن المشاركة في الانتخابات ستعطي شرعية للعسكر، وأفعالهم. سنكون كما لو أننا نقول أن كل ما فعلوه حتى الآن -رغم أنه ليس رائعا- مقبول. لقد نزلنا إلى الشوارع في الخامس والعشرين من يناير لنغير النظام الفاسد، وغير الإنساني تماما. هذا يعني عدم القبول بأقل من التغيير الحقيقي. وإذا ظل الجيش بأكمله على نفس الحال الذي ظل عليه منذ 60 عاما، فعلينا أن نوضح أننا نستحق أفضل من هذا. لذا علينا أن نقاطع.

2. السلطة للشعب

   مريح أن تفكر أن الجيش سيسلم السلطة إلى حكومة منتخبة بمجرد انتهاء الانتخابات. لكنه، بأقل الأوصاف، تفكير ساذج. يمكننا أن نتوقع تصرفات المجلس العسكري فقط إذا درسنا ماضيهم، ودوافعهم. لكن بالنظر إلى وضع قيادات الجيش التكاملي مع النظام القديم، نرى أن الكشف عن أي من أنشطتهم سيكون بمثابة تهديد مباشر لهم، ولذلك يرغبون في الحفاظ على الوضع القائم.

   ظلت مصر، بفضل الجيش، ديكتاتورية عسكرية على مدى 60 عاما. ولطالما كان قانون الطوارئ موجودا في صور مختلفة، وكان الجيش مسؤولا عن ذلك، رغم أنه من الأسهل لوم الشرطة على إساءة استعمال القانون. في الحقيقة، لقد انفتحت الصحافة، بانتهاء عهد مبارك، لتسمح بانتقاد الحكومة مباشرة، وانتقاد الرئيس بشكل غير مباشر، لكن بقيت تستهجن كل ما يأتي على ذكر العسكر. خلاصة القول: لم يكن نظام مبارك ليتمكن من السيطرة على الأمور دون دعم الجيش.

   هناك نقاش مشتعل منذ 12 فبراير بين هؤلاء الذين يدعون أن المجلس العسكري يبذل جهودا مضنية من أجل إبقاء الحال على ما هو عليه، والأغلبية التي أعمتها القصة الخرافية عن الجيش؛ الفارس بدرعه اللامع الذي سيتقدم بمصر للأمام. لكن في النهاية، أثبتت الحقائق التالية خرافية القصة الأخيرة:

   • أجبر ما يقرب من 12,000 مدني على المثول أمام محاكم عسكرية، والآن يقبع معظم هؤلاء وراء القضبان ظلما.
   • اعترف أحد أعضاء المجلس العسكري بإجراء “فحوص عذرية” لمجموعة من المتظاهرات في ميدان التحرير. في البلاد التي لا تقبع تحت ديكتاتوريات عسكرية يسمى هذا اعتداءا جنسيا، وهو أمر بشع.
   • كانت الرقابة على الصحافة رهيبة. فالصحف المستقلة كالمصري اليوم، والشروق تعرض عناوين رئيسية دعائية مقرفة على صفحاتها الأولى، ويتم استدعاء الصحافيين للنيابة العسكرية إذا شككوا في، أو ناقشوا أيا من الأمور المتعلقة بالجيش، ويتم الضغط على ملاك المحطات التلفزيونية لفصل مقدمي البرامج الذين ينتقدون الجيش حتى لا يتعرضوا للمشاكل. حتى أن يسري فودة اضطر للاستقالة احتجاجا، ولجذب الانتباه نحو القضية. وكأن هذا لا يكفي، فالقنوات التي تنقل أيا من الاحتجاجات التي يتورط في قمعها الجيش تقفل، أو تتعرض لمثل هذا:

     Click here to view the embedded video.

     ولكن الرقابة فقط لا تكفي. لذلك يصر المجلس العسكري على نشر بيانات رسمية ضد الثوار، أو بث تصريحات تحرض الناس على المتظاهرين المسيحيين:

     Click here to view the embedded video.

     بغض النظر عن مدى سلمية الاحتجاجات، ما إن تكبر أعداد المتظاهرين، يتدخل الجيش فورا، ويستعمل القوة لتفريقها، واحتجاز المتظاهرين. ربما نغض الطرف عن الضرب، لكن المدرعات…

     Click here to view the embedded video.

   لن يقوم مسؤولو المجلس العسكري بنقل السلطة إلى حكومة مدنية ديمقراطية ماداموا بكامل قواهم االعقلية. لا شيء على الإطلاق يدل على نيتهم للتعاون، بل إن كل المؤشرات تدل على العكس. إن المجلس العسكري، مدعوما من الولايات المتحدة، هو أكبر قوى الثورة المضادة التي تعيق جهودنا. كيف يمكننا أن نقبل عرضهم بإجراء الانتخابات بعد أن اتضحت نواياهم تماما؟

3. عيش، حرية، عدالة اجتماعية

   إذا كان تحقيق أهداف الثورة أمرا غير واقعي، فإن الظن بأن الأمور يمكن أن تبقى على ما هي عليه نكتة مضحكة.

   ببساطة، لا يمكننا بناء نظام جديد إن لم نكن قد اقتربنا حتى من إسقاط القديم. يمكننا أن نمارس “لعبة السياسة” في صناديق الاقتراع عندما نحقق مطالبنا الأساسية. لن تنجح الديبلوماسية في تحقيق التغيير، خاصة عندما تكون الحكومة التي تمارسها محدودة السلطات. لن ينتج هذا أكثر من إصلاح بسيط. وعن نفسي لم أنزل إلى الشارع للحصول على بعض الإصلاحات هنا، وهناك.

   إذا كنا نسعى لانتخابات حرة، ونزيهة، لماذا بقينا في الميادين بعد خطاب مبارك الثاني؟ لقد أوضح أنه لن يترشح، لا هو، ولا ابنه، وبعد أن رأى الجميع فعالية التظاهر كانت الانتخابات لتصبح شرعية، وصالحة. وإن كان الهدف هو محاكمة مبارك، فقد كانت أول حكومة ديمقراطية لتحقق هذا الهدف بسهولة. لقد بقينا في الميدان لأن النظام فقد أي شرعية كانت له. بقينا لأننا أردنا أن نتولى نحن زمام الأمور، ولم نطلب رعاية أحد. بقينا لأننا لم نكن نطلب الكثير، ولم نكن لنرضى بأقل مما طالبنا به. لهذ سيستمر النضال.

   لسنا في موضع ضعف، وليس هناك أي سبب على الإطلاق لنستسلم، ونرضى بما يمكننا أن نحصل عليه. لقد نزلنا إلى الشوار نطالب بالخبز، والحرية، والعدالة الاجتماعية. هل طلبنا الكثير؟ لماذا نرضى بأقل من ذلك؟ بماذا يمتاز عنا مواطنو العالم “المتقدم” الذين يحصلون على حقوقهم الأساسية، بينما نرضى بالتقاط الفتات الذي يتفضل المجلس العسكري بإلقائه إلينا؟

   إن افتراض أن المجلس العسكري سيسلم السلطة إلى الحكومة يجعلنا نبدو كالمغفلين؛ اعتقاد ساذج، ولا أساس له.

متى سأكون مستعدا للتصويت؟

نرغب جميعا في المشاركة في انتخابات محترمة. سوف أكون أنا أول المتقدمين للمشاركة إذا قام المجلس العسكري بالتالي:

• إطلاق سراح جميع المعتقلين ظلما، وتقديم الباقين إلى محاكن مدنية.
• إنهاء كافة أشكال الرقابة على وسائل الإعلام، والكف عن بث الدعاية التحريضية ضد الأصوات الناقدة.
• التوقف عن استعمال القوة ضد الاحتجاجات.
• التعهد بالانصياع لأمر الحكومة التي يقودها رئيس منتخب، ويشرع لها مجلس شعب يمثلنا، كمؤسسة ضمن مؤسسات الدولة، لا مؤسسة منفصلة. سيعني هذا في النهاية الشفافية الكاملة. سأكتفي بوعودهم وسأنتظر لنرى النتائج.

إذا سمحنا للمجلس العسكري بالاختفاء عن الأنظار قبل تحقيق النقاط السابق ذكرها، سنكون قد سمحنا لهم بالاختباء خلف حكومة ضعيفة لا سلطة لها (كحكومة عصام شرف الآن). وهذا أمر غير مقبول بالمرة.

ناهيك عن أنه…

بينما نظن أن المجلس العسكري لا يقدر على التحايل على انتخابات حرة نزيهة:

• يترشح رمو النظام القديم في كل الدوائر حول الجمهورية، متمتعين بالنفوذ، والأموال التي تساعدهم على الفوز.
• بدلا من تقسيم المناطق إلى دوائر صغيرة تمثل كل مجموعات الشعب، دمجت مناطق بعضها غير متجاورة أصلا في دوائر كبيرة لإضعاف التمثيل.
• لا يعلم أحد أين يصوت، وكيف يصوت، وكيف يختلف نظام القوائم عن النظام الفردي ..إلخ. ربما تكون هذه الانتخابات هي أكثر الانتخابات إرباكا في التاريخ الحديث.
• لم تتخذ أي إجراءات من أجل ضمان مراقبة الانتخابات، ومنع التزوير، وحماية المصوتين من البلطجة، ومنع شراء الأصوات.

The only problem is that they're good at what they do

انتقادات شائعة

لقد تعرضت للهجوم بسبب معارضتي المشاركة في الانتخابات القادمة. فيما يلي أسرد بعض الحجج التي يسوقها دعاة المشاركة، وردي على كل منها:

• إذا لم تصوت، فستمكن “فلول” النظام من الفوز.
  هذا القول مبني على افتراض أن الانتخابات، على عكس الحقيقة، شرعية. لا يهم ما سيحدث في الانتخابات طالما يستمر المجلس العسكري في الحفاظ على النظام الحالي.
• إذا لم نفز بالانتخابات، سيسيطر الإسلاميون.
  أولا: وعلى عكس الكثيرين حولي، لا تقفز إلى رأسي الصورة التي تروجها الإدارة الأمريكية عن طالبان في كل مرة أسمع فيها كلمة “الإسلاميين”. والأهم من ذلك، أني سأحتفظ برأيي في فوزهم لحين يمكننا الحصول على انتخابات حقيقية لا يكون أعضاء البرلمان الناتج عنها مغفلين لا قيمة لهم كعصام شرف.
• المقاطعة تؤدي إلى تهميش رأيك. صوت لكي يكون صوتك مسموعا.
  المقاطعة تعني إعلان رفض النظام الحالي، وطريقة إدارته للأمور. سيهدر صوتي إذا ذهب حزب لا فرصة له في الفوز أمام عضو سابق في الحزب الوطني الديمقراطي يضمن للمجلس العسكري كل المساحة المطلوبة للمناورة، أو إلى مرشح محترم يجد نفسه في موقع لا يخوله اتخاذ أي قرارات سوى تلك القرارات التافهة كتغيير الساعة، مضطرا لترك كل القرارات المتعلقة بالسياسة الخارجية للمجلس العسكري.
• إذا قاطعت، لن يحدث هذا فرقا، لكن المشاركة تحدث الفرق.
  إذا كان صوتي صوتا واحدا لا تأثير لامتناعي عن المشاركة به، فلم سيصبح مهما إذا شاركت؟ في كلتا الحالتين هو صوت واحد، وهو وسيلتي في إحداث الفرق.
• تأخر الوقت على الدعوة للمقاطعة.
  إن الوقت مبكر على الانتخابات. لا يملك أحد فكرة عما يحدث بأي حال. أشك في أن أحدا يعرف لمن سيصوت، لذا فإن من المناسب اتخاذ قرار المقاطعة الآن (ناهيك عن ذكر أني تخذت قراري بالمقاطعة منذ شهور).
• لا يمكنا الحصول على كل ما نريده، لذا فلنغتنم ما يمكننا الحصول عليه.
  إن هذا الموقف الانهزامي يتعدى قدراتي. لأي سبب نزلنا إلى الشوارع، بينما استشهد العديد منا، إن لم يكن لإيماننا أننا نستطيع الوصول إلى مرادنا؟ ونحن لا نطالب “بكل شيء”. إن تحقيق مطالب الثورة الأساسية، والحفاظ على حقوق الإنسان للمصريين أمر في غاية السهولة. ولا تكن ساذجا كفاية لتظن أن الانتخابات سيتبعها أي تغيير ملحوظ.
• أي فرق ستحدثه مقاطعتك؟ شارك ولا تختر أي مرشح. سيتم تغريم من يمتنع عن التصويت.
  إذا شاركت بإبطال صوتي سأمنح انتخابات العسكر شرعية بالتصويت ضد المرشحين أنفسهم. رغم أني لا أتفق كثيرا مع العديد من المترشحين لمقاعد البرلمان، إلا أن مشكلتي الأساسية هي في النظام نفسه. وإذا أجبرت على دفع غرامة الامتناع عن التصويت فسأدفعها؛ هذا ثمن بسيط جدا لفعل ما أؤمن به (حيث أن المجال ليس مناسبا للدفاع عن حقي في الامتناع عن التصويت الآن).
• شارك في الانتخابات، واستمر في التظاهر والإضراب.
  ضد من سأتظاهر؟ ليس من المنطقي أن أتعاون مع المجلس العسكري، وأصوت في الانتخابات، ثم أنزل إلى الشارع احتجاجا على طريقة إدارتهم للأمور. ستفرز لنا الانتخابات أناسا لا حول لهم ولا قوة، لكنهم مسؤولون عن جميع مشاكلنا. ستكون مسؤوليتهم أن يواجهوا الغضب الشعبي عندما يتخذ المجلس العسكري قرارات ضد رغبة الناس.
• إن المقاطعة تفقد أي معنى لها إن لم تتفق عليها الأغلبية.
  على المستوى الشخصي، لن أسامح نفسي أبدا إذا ما منحت المجلس العسكري، وانتخاباته الزائفة شرعية، حتى إن كنت الشخص الوحيد الذي يقاطع. وعلى المستوى العام، كل شخص يمتنع عن التوصيت يقلل من نسبة المشاركة، ويقوي الهجوم على النظام لاحقا.

لقد نزلنا إلى الشوارع ساعين إلى التغيير، وهذا هو خيارنا الوحيد. الثورة مستمرة، وسيسود العدل لا محالة. النصر للثورة!

Finally, after nine months have past from the promised six-month transitional period, we are about to embark on the road to democracy with a handful of elections carrying us through till early 2013 (that’s right; the six-month transitional phase will translate to about two years).

On November 28th, millions of Egyptians (including those abroad) will queue up in front of local schools to take part in what seems to be the first free and fair elections in the nation’s history. Ballots will be counted in districts all over the republic to determine the country’s first batch of democratically elected members of parliament. Looks like the struggle is paying off after all.

That is why we need to boycott the upcoming elections.

Tantawi with Robert Gates in 2008

There are many reasons why I think that, just as March’s referendum was a vote for or against SCAF, boycotting in November’s elections is supporting the continuation of the revolution, and partaking, regardless of the chosen candidate/party, is opting for reform.

1. The people demand the downfall of the regime

   SCAF appear to have been in power since February 11th, but the army, as an entity, has enjoyed overwhelming power since the coup d’etat of 1952. in fact it has long been an economic giant. Whether it’s vast lands, factories in the different industries, man power forced to work at little or no cost, there’s plenty to prove that SCAF has enjoyed more than the average share of the power pie. More importantly, it has always been an integral part of the old regime. I won’t go into why I’m against SCAF, that’s beyond this argument.

   

   Military Mubarak. Photo by Hossam El Hamalawy

   The issue here is that SCAF is putting together this limited infrastructure of ‘democracy’ for us to play in. While we fight on whether we want Egypt to be secular or Islamist, SCAF is happy with the conditions that accompany the 1.3bn dollar package from the US. While we prepare for free and fair elections, SCAF detains activists to add them to their list of 12,000 civilians triad by the military.

   The fact of the matter is, taking part in the elections would be collaborating with SCAF to ‘overcome’ the current phase and start working towards a democracy. While there’s nothing against working with the army in transition, taking part in the elections would give legitimacy to SCAF and their actions. We would be saying that everything they’ve done so far, although not perfect, is acceptable. On January 25th we took the streets to completely overhaul the corrupt, inhumane regime. This means settling for nothing less than a real change. If the entire army remains as it has been for 60 years, then we need to clarify that we deserve better. Thus, boycotting.

2. Power to the people

   It’s comforting to believe that the army will hand over the power to a representative government as soon as we see the elections through. That is very naive, to say the least.

   We can only predict SCAF’s behavior by studying their past. That, and their motives. But given how the SCAF leaders have always been an integral part of the old regime, and that unveiling any of their activities would be a direct threat to each of them, it is rather obvious that they would like to protect the status quo.

   Thanks to the army, Egypt has remained a military dictatorship for 60 years. The emergency law has always existed in different shapes or forms, and while it is easiest to blame the police for abusing it, it is really the army that controls it. In fact, by the end of the Mubarak era, press had opened up to allow direct criticism of government officials and indirect bashing of the president himself. However, it was dangerously frowned upon to mentioned anything related to the military. In conclusion, if it wasn’t for the army’s backing, Mubarak’s regime would’ve lost its grip.

   Since February 12th, an argument was ignited in which some claimed SCAF’s blatant efforts to protect the status quo, most were blinded by the fairy tale of a knight in shining armor looking to take Egypt forward. Evidently, the following proved otherwise:

   • About 12,000 civilians have been forced to go through military trials, most of whom are unjustly behind bars as we speak.
   • One of the SCAF officials admitted to have conducted ‘virginity tests’ against a group of female protests in Tahrir square. In countries without military dictatorships, that is called sexual assault…it’s a pretty big deal.
   • Media censorship has been horrendous, to say the least. Independent papers like Al Masry Al Youm and Shorouk showcase disgusting propaganda headlines on their front pages. Journalists get called in at the military prosecution‘s for questioning practically anything against SCAF. TV owners are pressured to fire their presenters for criticizing the military just to stay out of trouble. It’s so bad, that Yosri Fouda had to resign in protest in order to bring attention to the issue. If that’s not enough, if your channel’s caught filming any of the protests with military presence, you can be shut down, or put up with this:

     Click here to view the embedded video.

     But censorship on its own is not enough. That is why SCAF makes sure to publish communiques against the revolutionaries, or make TV announcements to turn the people against Christian protesters:

     Click here to view the embedded video.

   • No matter how peaceful the protest is, as soon as the numbers grow, the army would immediately use force to break it up and detain those involved. Beating we can handle, army vehicles on the other hand…

     Click here to view the embedded video.

   No SCAF personnel in the right state of mind would transfer all of the power and authority to a civil, democratic government. There is absolutely nothing to suggest they are willing to collaborate, all the contrary. SCAF, fully backed by the United States, has been the biggest counterrevolutionary force hindering our efforts. How on Earth can we justify accepting their offer for elections after their intentions became crystal clear?

3. Bread, Freedom and Social Justice

   If it’s unrealistic to believe that the revolutionary demands can be met, then it’s a cracking joke to think that things can remain the way they are.

   We simply cannot build a new regime when we’re nowhere near done overhauling the old one. The ‘political game’ at the voting booth is played when we’ve achieved our basic demands. Diplomacy, especially when carried out via a government that has very limited power, will never bring change. It will be basic reform at best. And I didn’t take the streets to make some amendments here and there.

   If all we were after were free and fair elections, why did we remain at the square after Mubarak’s second speech? He had clearly indicated that he would not be running, nor would his son, and after everyone had seen the effect of taking the streets the elections would’ve most probably been valid. And if it’s about taking Mubarak to court, that could’ve easily happened with our first democratic government. We remained at the square because the regime had lost all legitimacy. We remained because we wanted to take matter into our own hands and wanted no favors from nobody. We remained because we weren’t asking for much, and we weren’t going to be appeased by anything short of it. That is why the struggle continues.

   We are not in a weak position, and there’s absolutely no reason to give up and think we should hang on to whatever we can get. We took the streets seeking bread, freedom and social justice – is this too much to ask for? Why settle for any less? What do citizens of the ‘developed’ world have that gives them the right to demand basic rights, while we scrap for whatever SCAF are kind enough to let us have?

   When you assume, you make an ‘ass’ of ‘u’ and ‘me’. Assuming SCAF will transfer all power to the government is going to leave us all looking like asses. It’s naive and completely unfounded.

When will I be willing to vote?

We all want to be able to take part in proper elections. If SCAF were to do the following, I’d be the first in line to take part:

• Release those unjustly detained and put the rest through civil prosecution
• Bring an end to any sort of censorship imposed on the different media outlets, as well as indictment propaganda against any critical voices
• Allow protests to take place without the use of force
• Vow to become but another entity in a government lead by an elected president and legislated by a parliament representing the people, and in no way a separate entity. This would eventually mean complete transparency. (I’d take their word for it and give them the benefit of the doubt)

If we allow SCAF to exit the spotlights before any of the above demands have been met, we would be letting them slip away and hide behind a powerless government in no way responsible for the real damage (a la Essam Sharaf now). That is absolutely unacceptable.

Not to mention…

Just as we thought SCAF wouldn’t dare dodge free and fair elections:

• Remaining figures from the old regime are running in districts all over the republic, with enough money and power to help them win
• As oppose to having small constituencies that better represent the people, different areas that might not even be adjacent have been merged together to dilute political representation
• No one has a clue where to vote, how to vote, how the lists vs independent candidates system works, or anything at all. These are probably the most confusing elections in recent history
• No actions have been taken to assure proper monitoring, avoid rigging, protect voters from harassment, and prevent bribes and the deployment of thugs.

Weak. Very weak.

The only problem is that they're good at what they do

Common criticism

I’ve recently come under fire for openly opposing the participation in the upcoming elections. The following are some of those points put forward, with my answer to each one.

• If you don’t vote, you will allow Feloul (remnants of the old, defeated regime) to win
  This is based on the assumption that the elections are legitimate, which they’re not. It doesn’t matter what happens since SCAF will continue in its attempt to protect the status quo
• If you don’t win, Islamists will gain control
  First of all, unlike many around me, I don’t get the image of American-portrayed Taliban whenever the word ‘Islamists’ comes up. More importantly, I’ll save my reaction for when we have real elections where the members of parliament aren’t useless jackasses like Essam Sharaf
• Boycotting marginalizes your voice. Vote to be heard
  Boycotting means voicing my disagreement with the current regime and how its running matters. My voice would only be wasted if it went to a party that doesn’t stand a chance of winning against an ex-NDP who will give SCAF all the leeway necessary. Or an honorable and respectable candidate who finds himself in a completely powerless position and takes decisions equivalent to changing Egyptian timing, leaving all calls related to foreign policy in the hands of SCAF
• If you boycott, you won’t make a difference. If you vote, you will
  If one vote of mine is insignificant when I abstain, why does it suddenly become a deal-breaker if I were to vote? It is one vote either way, and this is how I choose to make a difference
• It’s too late to boycott
  It’s too soon to have elections. No one has a clue what on Earth is going on anyway. I doubt anyone knows who they’re going to vote for, so it’s fine to decide to boycott now (not to mention that I had decided to boycott a couple of months ago)
• You can’t have everything, let’s get what we can
  This defeatist argument is completely beyond me. Why the hell did we all take the streets, with many of us dying in the process, if we didn’t think we can go all the way? And we’re not after ‘everything’. In fact, it is extremely easy to meet the revolution’s basic demands and grant the Egyptians basic human rights. And don’t be naive enough to think that any significant change will happen from within after elections
• What difference will it make? Just take part and don’t choose a candidate. There’s a fine for those who abstain.
  If I participate but vote blank, I would be legitimizing SCAF’s elections but voting against the candidates themselves. While I’m not exactly fond of many of those running for seats in the parliament, my main objection is with the system itself. And if I’m forced to pay a fine for abstaining, then I’ll do it, it’s a very small price to pay for doing what I believe in (now’s not the time to battle for my right to abstain)
• Take part, and then join demonstrations and strikes
  Who would I be demonstrating against? It doesn’t make much sense to collaborate with SCAF, vote in their elections, and then take the streets complaining of how they’re handling matters. After elections, we will have people who are powerless, yet for some reason accountable for all of our problems. It will be their responsibility to face the music when SCAF inevitably makes the decisions that are in noway favorable of the people
• Boycotting, if not by a majority, is useless
  On a personal level, I would never forgive myself for legitimizing SCAF and their fake elections, even if I were the only one to do so. Generally speaking, any voice abstained reduces the participation and gives more credit to the subsequent argument against the system

We took the streets seeking change, and that is our only option. The revolution continues, and justice will inevitably prevail. Y hasta la victoria siempre!

Tahrir Diaries

1. This. Is. Egypt.
2. National Police Day: Just another demonstration?
3. What happened on Friday 28th?
4. Bansyon el Horreya
5. The Bansyon’s regulars
6. Compilation of media appearances
7. Constant phone calls
8. The three highly emotional points of the Tahrir era

The feelings that burst out during the revolutionary times will always be intense. When I look back to the early stage of the revolution and the time I’ve spent at Tahrir, I can pin point three particular moments in which my emotions were in the driving seat in an unprecedented manner. Together, they create the trio of dots to be connected and tell the tale of my experience building up to Mubarak’s exit. I could have my entire memory with the ongoing revolution be completely erased, but I would do everything I can to hold on to those three gems. That would be enough for me to reconstruct the beautiful story that will forever be told.

1. The march into Tahrir square

   The revolutionaries who went through the Kasr El Nil encounter (many of whom took off from the Mostafa Mahmoud mosque) take pride in a victory that was arguably the most important on the 28th. We knew that a helping hand from the Giza and Haram people was absolutely vital, but we still cherish our bragging rights.

   Click here to view the embedded video.

   
   HD images of the Kasr El Nil battle

   When I crossed the bridge and marched into Tahrir square, I was all alone, but was actively on the lookout of any of my friends and loved ones who were with me on the mission. Looking back, though, perhaps I was better off away from any sort of distractions to live the moment to it’s fullest extent.

   As the sun was setting on the horizon, and the smoke with an affirming presence, the scene was unique in every imaginable manner. I walked towards Tahrir square step by step.

   It was at that moment that I felt the victory march. As my revolutionary counterparts were banging stones against the metal posts to compose the war drum, I found myself tearing up as my uplifted spirit almost carried me off the ground. It was a moment too valuable to keep to myself, so without conscious control, I made striking eye contact with all those around me with an overly joyful smile as if to say ‘I love you’.

   If that wasn’t enough, I leaped over the platform to the right as you approach the square from the bridge, and began hugging random, middle-aged men. I think their reaction was predominantly that of confusion, but I was completely blinded by the revolutionary mood.

   The moment was intense, it lasted long enough to carry me over to the square, it was like I was witnessing Cairo’s central square for the first time ever. This is a highlight of the revolution that I will cherish for years to come.

2. Threatened by thugs, overlooked by the army

   On Wednesday, April 2nd, it seemed like the Egyptian authorities were running out of ideas on how to handle a popular uprising. At Tahrir square, at around 2pm, I vividly remember the sight of my friend Adham Bakry tearing up as he overlooked tens of thousands of thugs holding pro-Mubarak signs approach. I hugged him and told him everything would be alright, at that point I wasn’t too concerned.

   I walked over to the edge of the square and was near the line of encounter. Fight hadn’t broken out yet, but the tense situation assured us it was a matter of minutes. After an exchange of irrelevant words, random objects were launched from either end.

   It was at that particular point that I felt the serious threat to our revolution. It’s relatively easy to handle anyone in uniform, but when thugs are disguised as genuine pro-Mubarak protesters, it’s difficult. In fact, the idea of civilians clashing at such a scale was unprecedented for us. I looked up to a residential building to our right and was shocked to see two army officers overlooking, one of whom held a professional camera with a sizable lens.

   Within minutes, I suffered from what I understand to be some sort of panic attack. Tears were shooting out of my red eyes as I was yelling at the top of my voice and my body was shaking as I was attempting to point out a plethora of reactionary emotions. I directed my anger towards the army officers, but the fact that they couldn’t hear me raged me further. It was bad to the extent that a handful of fellow revolutionaries in the vicinity ignored the spark of the thug battle and approached me for help.

   Luckily, my dear friend Mohamed Ghorab was nearby and he was able to calm me down. After taking my breath, I was able to put together logical sentences in which I explained that we are being attacked by thugs, and instead of keeping us separated, the army is photographing us as we dive into battle and end lives on either side.

   That was lowest point for me throughout the 18 days. I felt like we were very close to losing Tahrir square, and even reform, let alone change, was destined to become of a bygone era.

   Click here to view the embedded video.

   
   Turning point in the encounter

   Fortunately, a handful of victims of Mubarak’s educational system decided it was intelligent to advance deep into our territory with camels and horses. It was all uphill from there.

3. Hosni Mubarak steps down

   The biggest advantage of spending the entire time at the square is that you’re always where it’s happening. On a daily basis, fake announcements were made that Mubarak had fled the country. At first I used to fall for the cheers and believe there was a big story developing. Soon after, calling them out was at effortless ease. I remember thinking that, when the real news comes (and we all had faith it was a matter of days), how would we be able to distinguish?

   Sometimes you’ll never know how something feels until you live through it. On Friday, February 11th, right as the entire square was doing sunset prayers, the cheers organically sprouted from afar and approached in growing waves and it become clear that it was definitely not your standard hoax.

   Click here to view the embedded video.

   
   Sorry to cite Fox News, but they were lucky to broadcast the precise moment

   As soon as I heard, and repeatedly confirmed, the news that Suleiman announced Mubarak had stepped down, I froze. Moments later I was on the floor tearing up, the emotions were too much for me to handle standing up and I completely blocked out all of my surroundings. It was a particular moment with two of the most significant incidents of my life: victory against the regime, and the start of the revolution I’ve always dreamed of.

   More so than the other two emotional high points, this one in particular was a collective reaction, with hundreds of thousands in the immediate vicinity, and millions beyond, concurrently riding on a wave of sheer joy and glory. Beautiful.

It’s the vibrant feelings that make us feel alive, and what better trigger could there be than a revolution. A historical revolution as ours. Regardless of the outcome of the ongoing struggle, emotions ran wild and it is something to remember. In basic human terms, that is what revolutions are made of.

What was originally a personal trip to visit Sevilla for my friend Rodolfo’s wedding, turned into an opportunity to engage with some of the inspirational revolutionaries in Spain. Through a couple of contacts (mainly the fantastic Olga Rodriguez) I had some talks lined up (three talks and a workshop, to be exact), and it’s a lot of fun.

This post summarizes my activities at the Iberian peninsula.

#WhereIsHusseinSalem

Since Rad-1 and I were already in Madrid together, then what better activity to exercise than searching for the corrupt tycoon on the loose, Hussein Salem? My friend Luis tagged along and lead the scout that left us believing that the Israeli-loving natural gas thief is no where near the Gregorio Marañón hospital in the Spanish capital (which is what all reports had indicated), and he probably never visited in the first place.

We broadcasted the adventure live via Bambuser and twitter accounts, but this episode of Aswat Al Shabaka on France24 does a spot on job of telling our story:

Click here to view the embedded video.

The talk at the Marabunta bookstore

This was the first and took place at a nice and cosy bookstore right off the authentic Lavapiés square in the heart of Madrid. There were about 40 attendees crammed into the venue, mostly from the revolutionary movement within Spain, and all very interested to get an inside scoop of what’s taking place in Egypt.

I think the talk went really well, and the feedback was positive.

Spanish national TV news

After the talk at the Marabunta, I was approached by reporter Yolando Alvarez from the Spanish Channel 1 and we ended up going back together to the bookstore to shoot this short report that was on Spanish news with heavy viewership.

It was a chance to hit at the SCAF, and I’d like to think I took good advantage of it.

Click here to view the embedded video.

La Tabacalera

The biggest talk of them all took place at an abandoned ancient tobacco factory that had been converted into a cultural center – a truly beautiful venue. I had prepared for it with an extensive Powerpoint presentation that took me about three hours to go through (plus another hour for questions).

The slides might not be self-explanatory, but I think it’s always best to have few words and some visuals, and then explain the rest (while relying heavily on videos to demonstrate).

Citizen Journalism Workshop

As followup to the talk at the Tabacalera, I gave a workshop to a group of about 20 activists on using twitter in revolutionary movements. The argument was that, while in Egypt social media played a small role, in a country like Spain it would be massive and therefore needs to be exploited.

I went through twitter (from start to finish), which cell phone is right for you, and streaming live via Bambuser or Qik. You can actually watch pretty much the entire workshop through this video:

Click here to view the embedded video.

Overall I think it’s always a good idea to network people who want to change this world and make it a better place, from different parts of the globe. When I spoke with people about the movement in Madrid and its relation to our revolution here, I always said that we are the only ones that can fight our fight. However, we are all working to end imperialism, and that requires work from our end (revolting to overthrow dictators and become independent), but also requires a lot of effort from citizens of the imperialist countries. Their job is to work towards having a real democracy (which they are far from) and form a  government that truly represents them, and therefore will refrain from supporting brutal, corrupt dictators, and will not attempt to take advantage of ‘third world’ countries and their resources.

Those are my 12 piasters*, anyway. (*12 piasters is a patented Traveller Within term)

Zinzana 10

1. We’re the embassy people
2. The Egyptian army and the police: one hand

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces had their minds set: the solidarity movement for the Palestinians has to be completed halted. Northern Sinai had intentionally weakened mobile coverage. The Mubarak El Salam bridge crossing over the Suez Canal became blocked for all passengers. The tunnel near Suez rejected through traffic. The active ferry going between Port Said and Sinai parked for an exceptional 12 hours and dubiously reduced daily trips.

Back in Cairo every single bus company had received explicit orders from representatives of the Egyptian army to not send any buses anywhere near Northern Sinai, cancelling reservations that were prepared weeks beforehand.

I highly doubt the aging men at the round table of the SCAF meeting room had ever put as much thought and strategy into any sort of battle (except for maybe trying to make sense of the Internet and how it helps revolutions happen). Sure enough, not even a determined group like the one I was part of could overcome the tough hurdles. Consequently, on the 15th of May, I drove back from Port Said straight to the Israeli embassy in Cairo where I was with Karim Salah, Hossam Osama, Mohamed Effat and Heba Azooz.

We didn’t arrive to the embassy area until about 1am and for the most part, we stuck together. The following is one of the videos I broadcasted:

By 1:30 or 2am we witnessed negotiations taking place between 3 officers and a couple of dozen protesters across the street from the Gamaa Bridge that is next to the building with the embassy. From what we could tell, a truce had been agreed which resulted in the group (no more than 200 by that point) standing ground near the Giza Zoo, keeping the distance from the police forces (themselves at least double in numbers).

The saying goes: fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me. Minutes after demonstrators held ground the other side of the street from the bridge (meaning a significant distance from the embassy’s building), the police forces started popping those tear gas bombs like they were about to explode if not used. I’m not sure if I were angered more by the fact that this came minutes after the truce, or that more than half these bombs landed straight into the Giza Zoo suffocating the already miserable animals who had given up on life.

Consequently, my friends and I retreated as far back as the KFC and Pizza Hut locales, just before the Four Seasons hotel, waiting for the gas to settle. Then, and out of nowhere, an older lady standing amongst us began to scream “they’re coming, they’re coming! The army’s approaching!”

I looked over, and surely enough, from the other end of the street (coming from Giza square), there were army soldiers running towards us with their rifles pointing to the air and non-stop bullets being fired. We immediately turned to the other side (towards the actual embassy) to escape the attack (remember this is our army, attacking us – like you do), and we were greeted with tens of policemen running towards us. Ambushed.

At that moment, we were left with no option but to run into the side street going towards the Nile. We did exactly that and as soon as we were through, I was able to send out a tweet to let everyone know we’ve been ambushed by the army and police. Problem was that all soldiers were still running at us, which meant we had to take the side street to the very end and escape from there. By the time we reached the end, we were confronted with army soldiers closing off the street and themselves joined the ammunition galore and fired shots in the air without stopping.

Now that’s an ambush. You have to recognize when the opposition has successfully pieced together a master plan that has completely outclassed you. In this case, the Israeli authorities…or rather, the Egyptian army and the police forces, had managed to ambush close to 200 young, unarmed Egyptians. This is an achievement that we should all be proud of. Now we know that if we were ever attacked by a foreign army, just as long as they’re a couple of hundred unarmed civilians, we will always win it.

“On the ground! Facing down! Get on the floor you sons of whores!”

I got on the floor near a parked car and had just enough time to pull up my cell phone from my pocket and start a Bambuser stream:

When we were ‘asked’ to get up and go over to the other sidewalk and get down on our knees, I hid the phone in my pocket and left the stream going hoping to catch some audio. All the gunfire heard in this clip comes after the soldiers had actually calmed down a bit – poor neighbors.

“You’ll be biting the sidewalk and shitting blood you faggots!”

I was fully cooperative, certainly not willing to risk being the punch doll of socially and sexually frustrated military and police personnel. Others weren’t as smart, and have to had to pay the price. In fact, even by the time we were all released, a handful hadn’t still recovered from the injuries suffered during the arrest.

“So you think you’ve made a revolution? We signed for this country and its ours you sons of whores!”

As I was on my knees, head down, hands wrapped around my head, I glimpsed and saw a handful of riot police soldiers approach. At which point the army official gave them direct orders to stop, and take a few steps back, and then ordered his own soldiers to get closer to us instead. It was like an emotional scene from Bridges of Madison County where the army and the police showed unconditional love towards each other, and in a beautiful love story, worked hand-in-hand against the people. All what was left was for both parties to strip of the colors that separate them (and perhaps get a room while they’re at it).

I wasn’t worried. Deep down inside I was sure I’d be on my way home within a couple of hours. I was a little confused as to who exactly is arresting us, and why. There could’ve been 3 or 4 divisions from both the army and the police that ganged up against us, but nothing was clear.

The army official closest to the group I was on the floor with yelled, “grab each one of those faggots from his neck and drag him with you.” I expected to be roughed up, but the army soldier that picked me up was kind enough to avoid being aggressive. As we were being escorted towards the trucks, I spotted some of my friends ahead. Then the soldier commented “we haven’t slept in four days because of you.”

You know when someone tries to pretend like they’re angry but they’re naturally too kind to fake it?

“I’m sorry to hear that, may God recognize your efforts,” I responded.

I think the soldier was expecting a bit more of a verbal fight, and wasn’t sure how to deal with his pacifist victim. After a bit of an awkward silence he spoke again.

“So where are you from?”

If it weren’t for the traumatic situation, I would’ve laughed my ass off. But instead, I went on to tell him of my origins. And what do you know? Turns out the soldier is from the same province of my dad (Kafr El Sheikh), and from a town nearby ours. For a second I though he might be able to get me off the hook, but I soon realized he was as powerless as I am. He did, however, assure me that the Game Plan was to scare us for a few hours before releasing us.

We were rounded up by the trucks (the trademark ones belonging Central Security Forces). While being handcuffed, a police office saw me and said, “you look clean, what’s your degree?” I answered by saying that I had graduated from a university abroad. His response was “what are you doing around these people? Let me tell you, and I’ve lived with Palestinians and know them well; they are very happy to have Israel be there and do what they do!” I somehow managed to give a response that didn’t involve pointing out how much of an ignorant douche bag I thought he was. “I disagree with you and I’m here to take part in the peaceful demonstrations in support of our Palestinian brothers and sisters.”

I guess he realized our conversation wasn’t really going anywhere.

I was on my knees, handcuffed behind my back, face down and waiting to see what happens. At that point a couple of police officials were roaming us with the serious look of anger. I would’ve loved to squeeze out a comment like, “I’d be careful if I were you, you wouldn’t want a repeat of the 28th now, would you?” That would’ve been sweet. Instead I kept my mouth shot and therefore my body in tact.

One buff police officer was enjoying his beatings and slaps towards us. As he came up to me, he said, “what’s with the side burns?” I tilted my head up to look to him and asked, “what?” And out of nowhere, he threw a punch with the palm of his hand against my jaw.

What was that for?

I refused to be intimidated and just looked back to the floor. Minutes later some guy not in any uniform took my ID as well as my cell phone. And that was the end of a beautiful relationship that I shared with my very first Android phone, lasting about a year, and ending by the University bridge. Our love will last forever.

We were then handcuffed to each other (and I ended up with my friend Hossam) and were stored into the trucks like sardines. My claustrophobia kicked in for a bit, but I guess there was enough going on around me to keep my mind off it. Not to mention that everyone around me was freaking out, and so it became my unofficial responsibility to calm the crowd and assure them that we’ll be fine. I managed to do so with a straight face because I was still under the impression that they army/police had no interest in throwing us behind bars. Yeah, I’m cute like that.

As if the situation was not bizarre enough, out of about six trucks loaded with mostly young Egyptians, ours wasn’t moving as it broke down. We heard soldiers being called to push the truck (with about 24 of us inside) and felt the effort they exerted, but no dice. They gave it two hours’ worth of efforts and techniques to get the truck moving before finally giving up. However, instead of just letting us go like I thought they would, they spread us out across the remaining trucks, meaning we were suffocating even more.

We were taken to C28 (the Military Police headquarters in Nasr City) but weren’t taken out of the truck. It was like an unnecessarily long rest stop where we remained trapped and handcuffed inside, before we were taken to the military prison by the Hike Step and got to see light again. As soon as we arrived and were taken out of the trucks and aligned into groups on the floor in front of the cells, it became obvious that my theory of an immediate release was just as accurate as that of the army and police being two separate entities carrying out their jobs in different ways.

Over 150 young men, many of which are university students, were peacefully demonstrating in front of the Israeli embassy in moral support of the oppressed Palestinian people. To an army as loyal to the Israeli authorities as the Egyptian one, that is a crime with heavy repercussions. To a police force as loyal to torture and brutality as the Egyptian one, that is a golden opportunity.

They say Israel’s survival relies on having a common enemy, otherwise the difference within would stand out and be to drastic for the ship to sail. Likewise, the Egyptian army, lead by Tantawi, Anan and the rest of the SCAF, is united with the police force and state security with a shared enemy: the Egyptian people. With 80 million of us, there will be enough enemies to strengthen their love affair. But with 80 million of us, there will be enough to take them down and make them pay.

Victory, as always, is ours. We’re just keeping the best till last – holding out for the last laugh. And when that day comes, I’ll stream it live and share the link with the Israeli authorities.

Zinzana 10

1. We’re the embassy people
2. The Egyptian army and the police: one hand

So I’ve just gone through my first experience in an Egyptian political prison. You always hear stories, accounts and testimonials, but nothing compares to consciously living it.

For starters, you could argue that in some cases, loved ones outside suffer even more than you do inside. Sure the thought of a potential prison sentence could be scary enough to get you to shuffle previously undisputed principles, but the picture’s not all pitch black. The angles are many, and so are the methods to reveal them.

Even before release, I has been contemplating writing a series of blog posts (as well as cursing the lack of access to a pen and paper). It’s a chance for me to document what I went through for those interested in the case in general, as well as share the good, the bad and the ugly for those interested in my experience in particular.

So here’s to my love for Egypt, my hatred for the SCAF, and my hope for victory in our revolution.

One hand? When did this happen? I might’ve missed the memo.

We Egyptians can get rather emotional with topics we feel strongly about. Who can deny that it is qualities such as sheer passion that can lead to revolutions happening? It is impossible to push for any change if hope and optimism do not make up the driving force in your struggle. It is easy to give up the walk if you lack vision of the bright and shiny light at the end of the tunnel.

The negative aspect of such positivity is eventual naivety. Many Egyptians believe in a mythical yet mutually beneficial relationship between us, the people, and the Egyptian military. One that is lead by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, and followed by the people who can trust them blindly. The repeated encounter with innocent arguments made in favor of our fatherly military is frustrating, to say the least. The following are the five lamest arguments that I’ve had to put up with, and why I think they’re completely unfounded.

You know the rules: this is my opinion (which I’m entitled to), and I never claimed to be an expert on the subject matter.

1. The army protected our revolution

   Even if I were to listen to such an argument, why don’t we see how the families of the martyrs of the camel attacks feel about this? Or those who were killed on the Friday of Anger when military vehicles were providing the interior forces with ammunition?

   Throughout the Tahrir days, I witnessed dozens of dead bodies being pulled out of the crowds because our beloved army was kind enough to let thousands of armed thugs attack us at Tahrir square from all angles. In fact, not only did the army disappear when the lives of hundreds (if not thousands) were at risk, they somehow developed the cold-heartedness to have two officers on top of one of the residential buildings facing the museum shoot photographs while both sides were fighting to the death.

   A sequel to this point tends to argue that we should be thankful to the army for not shooting at us. Have are standards become so low, that we appreciate the fact that our own army did not opt to open fire against us and forcing us to become like Libya? Is avoiding a genocide an attractive quality of a government body nowadays? It’s not clear if that is due to innocence, ignorance, or just being sad, but judging from the sense of pride of many towards the army’s protection of our revolution, I’d say it’s all three.

2. The army is not accustomed to dealing with civilians. The personnel are trained for combat in the desert

   How many training courses on ‘civilian interaction’ do you need to not use the museum as a torture camp? What human skills are required to stop you from throwing your own citizens behind bars on no legal basis? There is absolutely no excuse to detaining those who speak their mind. And I never though I needed to say this, but there is no justification to torture.

   While it might be true that, in theory, the army officers and soldiers are trained to hold guard at the borders and be prepared for combat, it is really not that difficult to avoid humiliating, imprisoning and torturing the people they’re supposedly here to protect.

3. Even if we were to get rid of Tantawi and the rest at the SCAF, how could we replace them?

   The last time I was being hammered this ‘argument’, we were building up to the downfall of Mubarak. Just like it was overwhelmingly ignorant as well as offensive to all potential replacements then, it is the same to think so towards the army now. And if overthrowing a totalitarian dictator of 30 years was not impossible, and didn’t cause complete anarchy and mayhem, why would replacing the SCAF do so?

   Let’s not forget that we’ve started a historical revolution. We should not settle for anything less than what we deserve. The mindset of taking the current corrupt regime for granted is backwards at a time when we’re progressively looking towards the future.

4. We cannot overthrow the army, the uprising has to be from within

   For some odd reason, many believe that even though we’re going through a revolution and claiming some of our basic rights, with regards to the army, there are rules to follow. We were never given permission to take the streets and put up a fight against hundreds of thousands of police forces and thugs, but we did it. It was the right thing to do. However there’s this mysterious notion that to change the military, we have to sit back and wait for a handful of courageous soldiers to overtake the system, and then hope they act in the most beneficial way for us. Otherwise, it’s illegal…or something.

   I don’t know about you, but I’m not willing to let the revolution fail just because there’s an apparent protocol to how change should happen in the army. If they’re not good enough to represent us, we’ll take the streets and object until our demands are met.

5. The army ‘s job is to protect the borders in the best way it sees fit. We’re not in a position to tell them what to do

   This is the knockout argument that ends any conversation on any sort of intellectual level. How could you possibly answer to that? Game over.

   It is truly sad how the army has been able to indoctrinate us over the years to believe that they are a separate entity to the government, completely independent from the government and the people. They know what to do, and when. They understand their responsibilities and are working on them.

   Sorry to break the news to you, but that is complete falsehood. The army’s existence is purely to serve the people. This is OUR country, WE tell them what to do, and it is up to US to make the decisions. We have demands and their job is to meet them with their technical knowledge. We don’t need to be education experts, or healthcare gurus to demand from the government and the ministries to provide us with basic education and healthcare. We do not need to be military strategists and war heroes to ask the army to protect us, to oppose a war, or to join one. We choose the government that we think best represents us, and we hold them accountable if they don’t yield favorable results. The army is no exception.

One hand my ass.

This is our revolution, and if the SCAF doesn’t straighten itself up, it will have to put up with the people that tossed over its former employers, the civilization that is only at the beginning of its road, the revolutionaries that redefined victory.

The following is an article I voluntarily wrote a month ago for an English magazine targeting teens in Egypt. It’s interesting to look back at my analysis at the time, and how the events have changed, but the fight continues. Hope you like it.

It had been 13 days and the uncomfortable lifestyle consisting of camping and holding ground at Tahrir square was starting to get the better of me. When I first set up a camping tent at the square I didn’t think it would take more than a day or two. But there I was, two weeks into my new home amongst every type of Egyptian that can cross your mind, fighting to the very end.

The night before, Mubarak had us on the edge of our seats eagerly waiting for the belated speech which had promised a lot, but turned out to ooze with boredom beyond tolerable levels, not to mention dangerously disappointing. As the sun was setting behind the beautiful buildings surrounding the revolutionary square, and with the majority of the ‘residents’ praying, we started hearing cheers. Not the usual ones, no. Those cheers were special. They carried a wave of unprecedented freedom. That’s when the thought hit me – could he have finally understood the message and left?

Surely enough, the news was announced and confirmed. Never in my life have I had such a plethora of emotions break out in an instance, and even the endless tears I immediately shed couldn’t handle the magnitude of such news. And I wasn’t alone.

Who can doubt that what we Egyptians have achieved so far is phenomenal? Just ask the millions worldwide who were glued to their TV screens cheering us on. Or talk to the millions of parents who are overwhelmed by what their children have made of their upbringing, and how rewarding it is.

The Egyptians took Tahrir sq. Photo by Hossam El Hamalawy

Having said that, isn’t it the logical step to move on with our lives and settle back to normality?

As Che Guevara said to his comrades the day they took Santa Clara and the Cuban dictator fled the country from the capital Havana, “we’ve won the war, but the revolution’s only getting started.”

The demands of the revolution are clear, and have not been completed. Just because we’re in a better situation than what we would’ve never even dreamed of is certainly not a good enough reason to stop pushing for complete victory. What we ask for are basic human rights that are granted by default in any developed country around the world, why settle for any less?

Those who believe that the regime has fallen are either being naïve, or overlooking what really makes a political system (with 30 years under its belt, mind you). The Mubaraks are enjoying breakfast on the beach in Sharm el Sheikh, Omar Suleiman has probably taken on golf with his new friend, the man behind Omar Suleiman. Zackaria Azmy goes shopping with the billions he’s squeezed out of the Egyptian people and drives past police stations and prison cells where he has had hundreds of thousands tortured and killed. Even those supposedly caught, like Adly and Safwat el Shereef have had all the time in the world to funnel out their cash and are being questioned for petty crime as oppose to brutality and human rights’ violations. The general attorney responsible for bringing all of those people in justice was himself an integral part of the old regime, and understands perfectly well that all of the stolen money is hopping out of Egypt via Atef Ebid’s Arab International Bank in time for the ‘questioning’.

I’m sorry to break the news to you, but the regime is alive and kicking, and it will remain that way until the revolution’s complete.

Those political prisoners thrown behind bars without trial, whether for going a few weeks without shaving, or because they’ve decided to voice their opinion, shouldn’t be hearing about the revolution between torture sessions, don’t you think?

The emergency law has been a vital tool for the old regime to control us and mute our voices. In no civilized country do you need a law that allows you to throw random people in prisons without trial, and keep them until you feel they’ve become too much of a burden. Every citizen is entitled to a fair trial, regardless of the crime. If the tens of thousands of political prisoners still dreaming of daylight have committed crimes, so be it, they can be trialed. Otherwise, they should back in their homes, getting on with their lives.

There are innocent Egyptians unjustly behind bars, and it will remain that way until the revolution’s complete.

Many might think that the ‘humiliating’ manner in which the Mubaraks let go of the throne is within itself enough of a punishment. Needless to say, that is far from a balanced reality, and the royal family must be publicly tried. Why is this a pivotal issue? Forget the thousands of political prisoners, forget the hundreds of the revolutionary martyrs, forget the 40% who find themselves below the poverty line wondering where their next meal’s coming from, or how they’ll teach their children to read and write. Brutal, corrupt dictators need to be tried to avoid any remote possibility of future resemblance, and to send a clear message to every single ruler across the globe: you simply cannot get away with oppression against the people.

Dictators in every oppressed country, from the Ivory Coast to China, feel safe while they torture, rape and slaughter their people, and it will remain that way until the revolution’s complete.

You might be tempted to support the idea of moving out of instability, and getting the good ol’ wheel rolling once again. However, that is not feasible. Firstly, even if we were all to give up on the revolution and focus purely on getting back to normality, we are still left with no choice but to see out a temporary phase. It’s inevitable, and comes with any sort of change. More importantly, if we take a step back, the pressure will ease, and every single remnant of the past trio of decades will attempt to keep and even bring back the system to life – it’s their only safety net. It’s perfectly normal to go through a bit of uncertainty and in fact, it’s a very small price to pay in order to achieve a complete victory that would be no less than what we deserve.

Sometimes we get carried away by the events around us and forget the true value of being Egyptian. There’s a reason why we’re one of the oldest civilizations on the planet, and there’s a reason why we were able to topple 30 years of dictatorship without inciting violence. And the reason is that we are well-worthy of every single achievement possible. So let’s not give up what we’ve started and keep fighting peacefully until issues such as corruption, poverty, ignorance and lack of healthcare become of a bygone era.

Click here to view the embedded video.

When we cried in Tahrir square in disbelief at the historical announcement, it wasn’t because we had accomplished our mission, it was because our revolution was just getting started. And as the words of Che Guevara go, “hasta la victoria siempre!”